Voter Fraud in 2020 Revisited

I have written several postings related to Various topics including the military, Voting, the economy, religion and etc in America. A list of links have been provided at bottom of this article for your convenience. This article will, however address additional issues in these topics.

The topic of voter and election fraud has reared its ugly head on the February the 4th. It did so from a most unlikely area. An article election fraud was written by the liberal “Time” magazine. Of course it was written not to expose the fraud but to celebrate the actions taken to prevent a catastrophic 2nd Trump term of office. The conceit that it took to write such an article is unbelievable. Before I discuss the fraud that was perpetrated by the left, I am going to include it in its entirety below.

The Secret History of the Shadow Campaign That Saved the 2020 Election

A weird thing happened right after the Nov. 3 election: nothing.

The nation was braced for chaos. Liberal groups had vowed to take to the streets, planning hundreds of protests across the country. Right-wing militias were girding for battle. In a poll before Election Day, 75% of Americans voiced concern about violence.

Instead, an eerie quiet descended. As President Trump refused to concede, the response was not mass action but crickets. When media organizations called the race for Joe Biden on Nov. 7, jubilation broke out instead, as people thronged cities across the U.S. to celebrate the democratic process that resulted in Trump’s ouster.

A second odd thing happened amid Trump’s attempts to reverse the result: corporate America turned on him. Hundreds of major business leaders, many of whom had backed Trump’s candidacy and supported his policies, called on him to concede. To the President, something felt amiss. “It was all very, very strange,” Trump said on Dec. 2. “Within days after the election, we witnessed an orchestrated effort to anoint the winner, even while many key states were still being counted.”

In a way, Trump was right.

There was a conspiracy unfolding behind the scenes, one that both curtailed the protests and coordinated the resistance from CEOs. Both surprises were the result of an informal alliance between left-wing activists and business titans. The pact was formalized in a terse, little-noticed joint statement of the U.S. Chamber of Commerce and AFL-CIO published on Election Day. Both sides would come to see it as a sort of implicit bargain–inspired by the summer’s massive, sometimes destructive racial-justice protests–in which the forces of labor came together with the forces of capital to keep the peace and oppose Trump’s assault on democracy.

The handshake between business and labor was just one component of a vast, cross-partisan campaign to protect the election–an extraordinary shadow effort dedicated not to winning the vote but to ensuring it would be free and fair, credible and uncorrupted. For more than a year, a loosely organized coalition of operatives scrambled to shore up America’s institutions as they came under simultaneous attack from a remorseless pandemic and an autocratically inclined President. Though much of this activity took place on the left, it was separate from the Biden campaign and crossed ideological lines, with crucial contributions by nonpartisan and conservative actors. The scenario the shadow campaigners were desperate to stop was not a Trump victory. It was an election so calamitous that no result could be discerned at all, a failure of the central act of democratic self-governance that has been a hallmark of America since its founding.
Their work touched every aspect of the election. They got states to change voting systems and laws and helped secure hundreds of millions in public and private funding. They fended off voter-suppression lawsuits, recruited armies of poll workers and got millions of people to vote by mail for the first time. They successfully pressured social media companies to take a harder line against disinformation and used data-driven strategies to fight viral smears. They executed national public-awareness campaigns that helped Americans understand how the vote count would unfold over days or weeks, preventing Trump’s conspiracy theories and false claims of victory from getting more traction. After Election Day, they monitored every pressure point to ensure that Trump could not overturn the result. “The untold story of the election is the thousands of people of both parties who accomplished the triumph of American democracy at its very foundation,” says Norm Eisen, a prominent lawyer and former Obama Administration official who recruited Republicans and Democrats to the board of the Voter Protection Program.
For Trump and his allies were running their own campaign to spoil the election. The President spent months insisting that mail ballots were a Democratic plot and the election would be “rigged.” His henchmen at the state level sought to block their use, while his lawyers brought dozens of spurious suits to make it more difficult to vote–an intensification of the GOP’s legacy of suppressive tactics. Before the election, Trump plotted to block a legitimate vote count. And he spent the months following Nov. 3 trying to steal the election he’d lost–with lawsuits and conspiracy theories, pressure on state and local officials, and finally summoning his army of supporters to the Jan. 6 rally that ended in deadly violence at the Capitol.

The democracy campaigners watched with alarm. “Every week, we felt like we were in a struggle to try to pull off this election without the country going through a real dangerous moment of unraveling,” says former GOP Representative Zach Wamp, a Trump supporter who helped coordinate a bipartisan election-protection council. “We can look back and say this thing went pretty well, but it was not at all clear in September and October that that was going to be the case.”

This is the inside story of the conspiracy to save the 2020 election, based on access to the group’s inner workings, never-before-seen documents and interviews with dozens of those involved from across the political spectrum. It is the story of an unprecedented, creative and determined campaign whose success also reveals how close the nation came to disaster. “Every attempt to interfere with the proper outcome of the election was defeated,” says Ian Bassin, co-founder of Protect Democracy, a nonpartisan rule-of-law advocacy group. “But it’s massively important for the country to understand that it didn’t happen accidentally. The system didn’t work magically. Democracy is not self-executing.”

That’s why the participants want the secret history of the 2020 election told, even though it sounds like a paranoid fever dream–a well-funded cabal of powerful people, ranging across industries and ideologies, working together behind the scenes to influence perceptions, change rules and laws, steer media coverage and control the flow of information. They were not rigging the election; they were fortifying it. And they believe the public needs to understand the system’s fragility in order to ensure that democracy in America endures.
THE ARCHITECT
Sometime in the fall of 2019, Mike Podhorzer became convinced the election was headed for disaster–and determined to protect it.

This was not his usual purview. For nearly a quarter-century, Podhorzer, senior adviser to the president of the AFL-CIO, the nation’s largest union federation, has marshaled the latest tactics and data to help its favored candidates win elections. Unassuming and professorial, he isn’t the sort of hair-gelled “political strategist” who shows up on cable news. Among Democratic insiders, he’s known as the wizard behind some of the biggest advances in political technology in recent decades. A group of liberal strategists he brought together in the early 2000s led to the creation of the Analyst Institute, a secretive firm that applies scientific methods to political campaigns. He was also involved in the founding of Catalist, the flagship progressive data company.

The endless chatter in Washington about “political strategy,” Podhorzer believes, has little to do with how change really gets made. “My basic take on politics is that it’s all pretty obvious if you don’t overthink it or swallow the prevailing frameworks whole,” he once wrote. “After that, just relentlessly identify your assumptions and challenge them.” Podhorzer applies that approach to everything: when he coached his now adult son’s Little League team in the D.C. suburbs, he trained the boys not to swing at most pitches–a tactic that infuriated both their and their opponents’ parents, but won the team a series of championships.

Trump’s election in 2016–credited in part to his unusual strength among the sort of blue collar white voters who once dominated the AFL-CIO–prompted Podhorzer to question his assumptions about voter behavior. He began circulating weekly number-crunching memos to a small circle of allies and hosting strategy sessions in D.C. But when he began to worry about the election itself, he didn’t want to seem paranoid. It was only after months of research that he introduced his concerns in his newsletter in October 2019. The usual tools of data, analytics and polling would not be sufficient in a situation where the President himself was trying to disrupt the election, he wrote. “Most of our planning takes us through Election Day,” he noted. “But, we are not prepared for the two most likely outcomes”–Trump losing and refusing to concede, and Trump winning the Electoral College (despite losing the popular vote) by corrupting the voting process in key states. “We desperately need to systematically ‘red-team’ this election so that we can anticipate and plan for the worst we know will be coming our way.”
It turned out Podhorzer wasn’t the only one thinking in these terms. He began to hear from others eager to join forces. The Fight Back Table, a coalition of “resistance” organizations, had begun scenario-planning around the potential for a contested election, gathering liberal activists at the local and national level into what they called the Democracy Defense Coalition. Voting-rights and civil rights organizations were raising alarms. A group of former elected officials was researching emergency powers they feared Trump might exploit. Protect Democracy was assembling a bipartisan election-crisis task force. “It turned out that once you said it out loud, people agreed,” Podhorzer says, “and it started building momentum.”

He spent months pondering scenarios and talking to experts. It wasn’t hard to find liberals who saw Trump as a dangerous dictator, but Podhorzer was careful to steer clear of hysteria. What he wanted to know was not how American democracy was dying but how it might be kept alive. The chief difference between the U.S. and countries that lost their grip on democracy, he concluded, was that America’s decentralized election system couldn’t be rigged in one fell swoop. That presented an opportunity to shore it up.

THE ALLIANCE
On March 3, Podhorzer drafted a three-page confidential memo titled “Threats to the 2020 Election.” “Trump has made it clear that this will not be a fair election, and that he will reject anything but his own re-election as ‘fake’ and rigged,” he wrote. “On Nov. 3, should the media report otherwise, he will use the right-wing information system to establish his narrative and incite his supporters to protest.” The memo laid out four categories of challenges: attacks on voters, attacks on election administration, attacks on Trump’s political opponents and “efforts to reverse the results of the election.”

Then COVID-19 erupted at the height of the primary-election season. Normal methods of voting were no longer safe for voters or the mostly elderly volunteers who normally staff polling places. But political disagreements, intensified by Trump’s crusade against mail voting, prevented some states from making it easier to vote absentee and for jurisdictions to count those votes in a timely manner. Chaos ensued. Ohio shut down in-person voting for its primary, leading to minuscule turnout. A poll-worker shortage in Milwaukee–where Wisconsin’s heavily Democratic Black population is concentrated–left just five open polling places, down from 182. In New York, vote counting took more than a month.
Suddenly, the potential for a November meltdown was obvious. In his apartment in the D.C. suburbs, Podhorzer began working from his laptop at his kitchen table, holding back-to-back Zoom meetings for hours a day with his network of contacts across the progressive universe: the labor movement; the institutional left, like Planned Parenthood and Greenpeace; resistance groups like Indivisible and MoveOn; progressive data geeks and strategists, representatives of donors and foundations, state-level grassroots organizers, racial-justice activists and others.

In April, Podhorzer began hosting a weekly 2½-hour Zoom. It was structured around a series of rapid-fire five-minute presentations on everything from which ads were working to messaging to legal strategy. The invitation-only gatherings soon attracted hundreds, creating a rare shared base of knowledge for the fractious progressive movement. “At the risk of talking trash about the left, there’s not a lot of good information sharing,” says Anat Shenker-Osorio, a close Podhorzer friend whose poll-tested messaging guidance shaped the group’s approach. “There’s a lot of not-invented-here syndrome, where people won’t consider a good idea if they didn’t come up with it.”

The meetings became the galactic center for a constellation of operatives across the left who shared overlapping goals but didn’t usually work in concert. The group had no name, no leaders and no hierarchy, but it kept the disparate actors in sync. “Pod played a critical behind-the-scenes role in keeping different pieces of the movement infrastructure in communication and aligned,” says Maurice Mitchell, national director of the Working Families Party. “You have the litigation space, the organizing space, the political people just focused on the W, and their strategies aren’t always aligned. He allowed this ecosystem to work together.”

Protecting the election would require an effort of unprecedented scale. As 2020 progressed, it stretched to Congress, Silicon Valley and the nation’s statehouses. It drew energy from the summer’s racial-justice protests, many of whose leaders were a key part of the liberal alliance. And eventually it reached across the aisle, into the world of Trump-skeptical Republicans appalled by his attacks on democracy.

SECURING THE VOTE
The first task was overhauling America’s balky election infrastructure–in the middle of a pandemic. For the thousands of local, mostly nonpartisan officials who administer elections, the most urgent need was money. They needed protective equipment like masks, gloves and hand sanitizer. They needed to pay for postcards letting people know they could vote absentee–or, in some states, to mail ballots to every voter. They needed additional staff and scanners to process ballots.
In March, activists appealed to Congress to steer COVID relief money to election administration. Led by the Leadership Conference on Civil and Human Rights, more than 150 organizations signed a letter to every member of Congress seeking $2 billion in election funding. It was somewhat successful: the CARES Act, passed later that month, contained $400 million in grants to state election administrators. But the next tranche of relief funding didn’t add to that number. It wasn’t going to be enough.

Private philanthropy stepped into the breach. An assortment of foundations contributed tens of millions in election-administration funding. The Chan Zuckerberg Initiative chipped in $300 million. “It was a failure at the federal level that 2,500 local election officials were forced to apply for philanthropic grants to fill their needs,” says Amber McReynolds, a former Denver election official who heads the nonpartisan National Vote at Home Institute.

McReynolds’ two-year-old organization became a clearinghouse for a nation struggling to adapt. The institute gave secretaries of state from both parties technical advice on everything from which vendors to use to how to locate drop boxes. Local officials are the most trusted sources of election information, but few can afford a press secretary, so the institute distributed communications tool kits. In a presentation to Podhorzer’s group, McReynolds detailed the importance of absentee ballots for shortening lines at polling places and preventing an election crisis.

The institute’s work helped 37 states and D.C. bolster mail voting. But it wouldn’t be worth much if people didn’t take advantage. Part of the challenge was logistical: each state has different rules for when and how ballots should be requested and returned. The Voter Participation Center, which in a normal year would have deployed canvassers door-to-door to get out the vote, instead conducted focus groups in April and May to find out what would get people to vote by mail. In August and September, it sent ballot applications to 15 million people in key states, 4.6 million of whom returned them. In mailings and digital ads, the group urged people not to wait for Election Day. “All the work we have done for 17 years was built for this moment of bringing democracy to people’s doorsteps,” says Tom Lopach, the center’s CEO.
The effort had to overcome heightened skepticism in some communities. Many Black voters preferred to exercise their franchise in person or didn’t trust the mail. National civil rights groups worked with local organizations to get the word out that this was the best way to ensure one’s vote was counted. In Philadelphia, for example, advocates distributed “voting safety kits” containing masks, hand sanitizer and informational brochures. “We had to get the message out that this is safe, reliable, and you can trust it,” says Hannah Fried of All Voting Is Local.

At the same time, Democratic lawyers battled a historic tide of pre-election litigation. The pandemic intensified the parties’ usual tangling in the courts. But the lawyers noticed something else as well. “The litigation brought by the Trump campaign, of a piece with the broader campaign to sow doubt about mail voting, was making novel claims and using theories no court has ever accepted,” says Wendy Weiser, a voting-rights expert at the Brennan Center for Justice at NYU. “They read more like lawsuits designed to send a message rather than achieve a legal outcome.”

In the end, nearly half the electorate cast ballots by mail in 2020, practically a revolution in how people vote. About a quarter voted early in person. Only a quarter of voters cast their ballots the traditional way: in person on Election Day.

THE DISINFORMATION DEFENSE
Bad actors spreading false information is nothing new. For decades, campaigns have grappled with everything from anonymous calls claiming the election has been rescheduled to fliers spreading nasty smears about candidates’ families. But Trump’s lies and conspiracy theories, the viral force of social media and the involvement of foreign meddlers made disinformation a broader, deeper threat to the 2020 vote.

Laura Quinn, a veteran progressive operative who co-founded Catalist, began studying this problem a few years ago. She piloted a nameless, secret project, which she has never before publicly discussed, that tracked disinformation online and tried to figure out how to combat it. One component was tracking dangerous lies that might otherwise spread unnoticed. Researchers then provided information to campaigners or the media to track down the sources and expose them.
The most important takeaway from Quinn’s research, however, was that engaging with toxic content only made it worse. “When you get attacked, the instinct is to push back, call it out, say, ‘This isn’t true,’” Quinn says. “But the more engagement something gets, the more the platforms boost it. The algorithm reads that as, ‘Oh, this is popular; people want more of it.’”

The solution, she concluded, was to pressure platforms to enforce their rules, both by removing content or accounts that spread disinformation and by more aggressively policing it in the first place. “The platforms have policies against certain types of malign behavior, but they haven’t been enforcing them,” she says.

Quinn’s research gave ammunition to advocates pushing social media platforms to take a harder line. In November 2019, Mark Zuckerberg invited nine civil rights leaders to dinner at his home, where they warned him about the danger of the election-related falsehoods that were already spreading unchecked. “It took pushing, urging, conversations, brainstorming, all of that to get to a place where we ended up with more rigorous rules and enforcement,” says Vanita Gupta, president and CEO of the Leadership Conference on Civil and Human Rights, who attended the dinner and also met with Twitter CEO Jack Dorsey and others. (Gupta has been nominated for Associate Attorney General by President Biden.) “It was a struggle, but we got to the point where they understood the problem. Was it enough? Probably not. Was it later than we wanted? Yes. But it was really important, given the level of official disinformation, that they had those rules in place and were tagging things and taking them down.”

SPREADING THE WORD
Beyond battling bad information, there was a need to explain a rapidly changing election process. It was crucial for voters to understand that despite what Trump was saying, mail-in votes weren’t susceptible to fraud and that it would be normal if some states weren’t finished counting votes on election night.

Dick Gephardt, the Democratic former House leader turned high-powered lobbyist, spearheaded one coalition. “We wanted to get a really bipartisan group of former elected officials, Cabinet secretaries, military leaders and so on, aimed mainly at messaging to the public but also speaking to local officials–the secretaries of state, attorneys general, governors who would be in the eye of the storm–to let them know we wanted to help,” says Gephardt, who worked his contacts in the private sector to put $20 million behind the effort.
Wamp, the former GOP Congressman, worked through the nonpartisan reform group Issue One to rally Republicans. “We thought we should bring some bipartisan element of unity around what constitutes a free and fair election,” Wamp says. The 22 Democrats and 22 Republicans on the National Council on Election Integrity met on Zoom at least once a week. They ran ads in six states, made statements, wrote articles and alerted local officials to potential problems. “We had rabid Trump supporters who agreed to serve on the council based on the idea that this is honest,” Wamp says. This is going to be just as important, he told them, to convince the liberals when Trump wins. “Whichever way it cuts, we’re going to stick together.”

The Voting Rights Lab and IntoAction created state-specific memes and graphics, spread by email, text, Twitter, Facebook, Instagram and TikTok, urging that every vote be counted. Together, they were viewed more than 1 billion times. Protect Democracy’s election task force issued reports and held media briefings with high-profile experts across the political spectrum, resulting in widespread coverage of potential election issues and fact-checking of Trump’s false claims. The organization’s tracking polls found the message was being heard: the percentage of the public that didn’t expect to know the winner on election night gradually rose until by late October, it was over 70%. A majority also believed that a prolonged count wasn’t a sign of problems. “We knew exactly what Trump was going to do: he was going to try to use the fact that Democrats voted by mail and Republicans voted in person to make it look like he was ahead, claim victory, say the mail-in votes were fraudulent and try to get them thrown out,” says Protect Democracy’s Bassin. Setting public expectations ahead of time helped undercut those lies.

The alliance took a common set of themes from the research Shenker-Osorio presented at Podhorzer’s Zooms. Studies have shown that when people don’t think their vote will count or fear casting it will be a hassle, they’re far less likely to participate. Throughout election season, members of Podhorzer’s group minimized incidents of voter intimidation and tamped down rising liberal hysteria about Trump’s expected refusal to concede. They didn’t want to amplify false claims by engaging them, or put people off voting by suggesting a rigged game. “When you say, ‘These claims of fraud are spurious,’ what people hear is ‘fraud,’” Shenker-Osorio says. “What we saw in our pre-election research was that anything that reaffirmed Trump’s power or cast him as an authoritarian diminished people’s desire to vote.”
Podhorzer, meanwhile, was warning everyone he knew that polls were underestimating Trump’s support. The data he shared with media organizations who would be calling the election was “tremendously useful” to understand what was happening as the votes rolled in, according to a member of a major network’s political unit who spoke with Podhorzer before Election Day. Most analysts had recognized there would be a “blue shift” in key battlegrounds– the surge of votes breaking toward Democrats, driven by tallies of mail-in ballots– but they hadn’t comprehended how much better Trump was likely to do on Election Day. “Being able to document how big the absentee wave would be and the variance by state was essential,” the analyst says.

PEOPLE POWER
The racial-justice uprising sparked by George Floyd’s killing in May was not primarily a political movement. The organizers who helped lead it wanted to harness its momentum for the election without allowing it to be co-opted by politicians. Many of those organizers were part of Podhorzer’s network, from the activists in battleground states who partnered with the Democracy Defense Coalition to organizations with leading roles in the Movement for Black Lives.

The best way to ensure people’s voices were heard, they decided, was to protect their ability to vote. “We started thinking about a program that would complement the traditional election-protection area but also didn’t rely on calling the police,” says Nelini Stamp, the Working Families Party’s national organizing director. They created a force of “election defenders” who, unlike traditional poll watchers, were trained in de-escalation techniques. During early voting and on Election Day, they surrounded lines of voters in urban areas with a “joy to the polls” effort that turned the act of casting a ballot into a street party. Black organizers also recruited thousands of poll workers to ensure polling places would stay open in their communities.

The summer uprising had shown that people power could have a massive impact. Activists began preparing to reprise the demonstrations if Trump tried to steal the election. “Americans plan widespread protests if Trump interferes with election,” Reuters reported in October, one of many such stories. More than 150 liberal groups, from the Women’s March to the Sierra Club to Color of Change, from Democrats.com to the Democratic Socialists of America, joined the “Protect the Results” coalition. The group’s now defunct website had a map listing 400 planned postelection demonstrations, to be activated via text message as soon as Nov. 4. To stop the coup they feared, the left was ready to flood the streets.
STRANGE BEDFELLOWS
About a week before Election Day, Podhorzer received an unexpected message: the U.S. Chamber of Commerce wanted to talk.

The AFL-CIO and the Chamber have a long history of antagonism. Though neither organization is explicitly partisan, the influential business lobby has poured hundreds of millions of dollars into Republican campaigns, just as the nation’s unions funnel hundreds of millions to Democrats. On one side is labor, on the other management, locked in an eternal struggle for power and resources.

But behind the scenes, the business community was engaged in its own anxious discussions about how the election and its aftermath might unfold. The summer’s racial-justice protests had sent a signal to business owners too: the potential for economy-disrupting civil disorder. “With tensions running high, there was a lot of concern about unrest around the election, or a breakdown in our normal way we handle contentious elections,” says Neil Bradley, the Chamber’s executive vice president and chief policy officer. These worries had led the Chamber to release a pre-election statement with the Business Roundtable, a Washington-based CEOs’ group, as well as associations of manufacturers, wholesalers and retailers, calling for patience and confidence as votes were counted.

But Bradley wanted to send a broader, more bipartisan message. He reached out to Podhorzer, through an intermediary both men declined to name. Agreeing that their unlikely alliance would be powerful, they began to discuss a joint statement pledging their organizations’ shared commitment to a fair and peaceful election. They chose their words carefully and scheduled the statement’s release for maximum impact. As it was being finalized, Christian leaders signaled their interest in joining, further broadening its reach.

The statement was released on Election Day, under the names of Chamber CEO Thomas Donohue, AFL-CIO president Richard Trumka, and the heads of the National Association of Evangelicals and the National African American Clergy Network. “It is imperative that election officials be given the space and time to count every vote in accordance with applicable laws,” it stated. “We call on the media, the candidates and the American people to exercise patience with the process and trust in our system, even if it requires more time than usual.” The groups added, “Although we may not always agree on desired outcomes up and down the ballot, we are united in our call for the American democratic process to proceed without violence, intimidation or any other tactic that makes us weaker as a nation.”
SHOWING UP, STANDING DOWN
Election night began with many Democrats despairing. Trump was running ahead of pre-election polling, winning Florida, Ohio and Texas easily and keeping Michigan, Wisconsin and Pennsylvania too close to call. But Podhorzer was unperturbed when I spoke to him that night: the returns were exactly in line with his modeling. He had been warning for weeks that Trump voters’ turnout was surging. As the numbers dribbled out, he could tell that as long as all the votes were counted, Trump would lose.

The liberal alliance gathered for an 11 p.m. Zoom call. Hundreds joined; many were freaking out. “It was really important for me and the team in that moment to help ground people in what we had already known was true,” says Angela Peoples, director for the Democracy Defense Coalition. Podhorzer presented data to show the group that victory was in hand.

While he was talking, Fox News surprised everyone by calling Arizona for Biden. The public-awareness campaign had worked: TV anchors were bending over backward to counsel caution and frame the vote count accurately. The question then became what to do next.

The conversation that followed was a difficult one, led by the activists charged with the protest strategy. “We wanted to be mindful of when was the right time to call for moving masses of people into the street,” Peoples says. As much as they were eager to mount a show of strength, mobilizing immediately could backfire and put people at risk. Protests that devolved into violent clashes would give Trump a pretext to send in federal agents or troops as he had over the summer. And rather than elevate Trump’s complaints by continuing to fight him, the alliance wanted to send the message that the people had spoken.

So the word went out: stand down. Protect the Results announced that it would “not be activating the entire national mobilization network today, but remains ready to activate if necessary.” On Twitter, outraged progressives wondered what was going on. Why wasn’t anyone trying to stop Trump’s coup? Where were all the protests?

Podhorzer credits the activists for their restraint. “They had spent so much time getting ready to hit the streets on Wednesday. But they did it,” he says. “Wednesday through Friday, there was not a single Antifa vs. Proud Boys incident like everyone was expecting. And when that didn’t materialize, I don’t think the Trump campaign had a backup plan.”
Activists reoriented the Protect the Results protests toward a weekend of celebration. “Counter their disinfo with our confidence & get ready to celebrate,” read the messaging guidance Shenker-Osorio presented to the liberal alliance on Friday, Nov. 6. “Declare and fortify our win. Vibe: confident, forward-looking, unified–NOT passive, anxious.” The voters, not the candidates, would be the protagonists of the story.

The planned day of celebration happened to coincide with the election being called on Nov. 7. Activists dancing in the streets of Philadelphia blasted Beyoncé over an attempted Trump campaign press conference; the Trumpers’ next confab was scheduled for Four Seasons Total Landscaping outside the city center, which activists believe was not a coincidence. “The people of Philadelphia owned the streets of Philadelphia,” crows the Working Families Party’s Mitchell. “We made them look ridiculous by contrasting our joyous celebration of democracy with their clown show.”

The votes had been counted. Trump had lost. But the battle wasn’t over.

THE FIVE STEPS TO VICTORY
In Podhorzer’s presentations, winning the vote was only the first step to winning the election. After that came winning the count, winning the certification, winning the Electoral College and winning the transition–steps that are normally formalities but that he knew Trump would see as opportunities for disruption. Nowhere would that be more evident than in Michigan, where Trump’s pressure on local Republicans came perilously close to working–and where liberal and conservative pro-democracy forces joined to counter it.

It was around 10 p.m. on election night in Detroit when a flurry of texts lit up the phone of Art Reyes III. A busload of Republican election observers had arrived at the TCF Center, where votes were being tallied. They were crowding the vote-counting tables, refusing to wear masks, heckling the mostly Black workers. Reyes, a Flint native who leads We the People Michigan, was expecting this. For months, conservative groups had been sowing suspicion about urban vote fraud. “The language was, ‘They’re going to steal the election; there will be fraud in Detroit,’ long before any vote was cast,” Reyes says.

He made his way to the arena and sent word to his network. Within 45 minutes, dozens of reinforcements had arrived. As they entered the arena to provide a counterweight to the GOP observers inside, Reyes took down their cell-phone numbers and added them to a massive text chain. Racial-justice activists from Detroit Will Breathe worked alongside suburban women from Fems for Dems and local elected officials. Reyes left at 3 a.m., handing the text chain over to a disability activist.
As they mapped out the steps in the election-certification process, activists settled on a strategy of foregrounding the people’s right to decide, demanding their voices be heard and calling attention to the racial implications of disenfranchising Black Detroiters. They flooded the Wayne County canvassing board’s Nov. 17 certification meeting with on-message testimony; despite a Trump tweet, the Republican board members certified Detroit’s votes.

Election boards were one pressure point; another was GOP-controlled legislatures, who Trump believed could declare the election void and appoint their own electors. And so the President invited the GOP leaders of the Michigan legislature, House Speaker Lee Chatfield and Senate majority leader Mike Shirkey, to Washington on Nov. 20.

It was a perilous moment. If Chatfield and Shirkey agreed to do Trump’s bidding, Republicans in other states might be similarly bullied. “I was concerned things were going to get weird,” says Jeff Timmer, a former Michigan GOP executive director turned anti-Trump activist. Norm Eisen describes it as “the scariest moment” of the entire election.

The democracy defenders launched a full-court press. Protect Democracy’s local contacts researched the lawmakers’ personal and political motives. Issue One ran television ads in Lansing. The Chamber’s Bradley kept close tabs on the process. Wamp, the former Republican Congressman, called his former colleague Mike Rogers, who wrote an op-ed for the Detroit newspapers urging officials to honor the will of the voters. Three former Michigan governors–Republicans John Engler and Rick Snyder and Democrat Jennifer Granholm–jointly called for Michigan’s electoral votes to be cast free of pressure from the White House. Engler, a former head of the Business Roundtable, made phone calls to influential donors and fellow GOP elder statesmen who could press the lawmakers privately.

The pro-democracy forces were up against a Trumpified Michigan GOP controlled by allies of Ronna McDaniel, the Republican National Committee chair, and Betsy DeVos, the former Education Secretary and a member of a billionaire family of GOP donors. On a call with his team on Nov. 18, Bassin vented that his side’s pressure was no match for what Trump could offer. “Of course he’s going to try to offer them something,” Bassin recalls thinking. “Head of the Space Force! Ambassador to wherever! We can’t compete with that by offering carrots. We need a stick.”
If Trump were to offer something in exchange for a personal favor, that would likely constitute bribery, Bassin reasoned. He phoned Richard Primus, a law professor at the University of Michigan, to see if Primus agreed and would make the argument publicly. Primus said he thought the meeting itself was inappropriate, and got to work on an op-ed for Politico warning that the state attorney general–a Democrat–would have no choice but to investigate. When the piece posted on Nov. 19, the attorney general’s communications director tweeted it. Protect Democracy soon got word that the lawmakers planned to bring lawyers to the meeting with Trump the next day.

Reyes’ activists scanned flight schedules and flocked to the airports on both ends of Shirkey’s journey to D.C., to underscore that the lawmakers were being scrutinized. After the meeting, the pair announced they’d pressed the President to deliver COVID relief for their constituents and informed him they saw no role in the election process. Then they went for a drink at the Trump hotel on Pennsylvania Avenue. A street artist projected their images onto the outside of the building along with the words THE WORLD IS WATCHING.
That left one last step: the state canvassing board, made up of two Democrats and two Republicans. One Republican, a Trumper employed by the DeVos family’s political nonprofit, was not expected to vote for certification. The other Republican on the board was a little-known lawyer named Aaron Van Langevelde. He sent no signals about what he planned to do, leaving everyone on edge.

When the meeting began, Reyes’s activists flooded the livestream and filled Twitter with their hashtag, #alleyesonmi. A board accustomed to attendance in the single digits suddenly faced an audience of thousands. In hours of testimony, the activists emphasized their message of respecting voters’ wishes and affirming democracy rather than scolding the officials. Van Langevelde quickly signaled he would follow precedent. The vote was 3-0 to certify; the other Republican abstained.

After that, the dominoes fell. Pennsylvania, Wisconsin and the rest of the states certified their electors. Republican officials in Arizona and Georgia stood up to Trump’s bullying. And the Electoral College voted on schedule on Dec. 14.
HOW CLOSE WE CAME
There was one last milestone on Podhorzer’s mind: Jan. 6. On the day Congress would meet to tally the electoral count, Trump summoned his supporters to D.C. for a rally.

Much to their surprise, the thousands who answered his call were met by virtually no counterdemonstrators. To preserve safety and ensure they couldn’t be blamed for any mayhem, the activist left was “strenuously discouraging counter activity,” Podhorzer texted me the morning of Jan. 6, with a crossed-fingers emoji.

Trump addressed the crowd that afternoon, peddling the lie that lawmakers or Vice President Mike Pence could reject states’ electoral votes. He told them to go to the Capitol and “fight like hell.” Then he returned to the White House as they sacked the building. As lawmakers fled for their lives and his own supporters were shot and trampled, Trump praised the rioters as “very special.”

It was his final attack on democracy, and once again, it failed. By standing down, the democracy campaigners outfoxed their foes. “We won by the skin of our teeth, honestly, and that’s an important point for folks to sit with,” says the Democracy Defense Coalition’s Peoples. “There’s an impulse for some to say voters decided and democracy won. But it’s a mistake to think that this election cycle was a show of strength for democracy. It shows how vulnerable democracy is.”

The members of the alliance to protect the election have gone their separate ways. The Democracy Defense Coalition has been disbanded, though the Fight Back Table lives on. Protect Democracy and the good-government advocates have turned their attention to pressing reforms in Congress. Left-wing activists are pressuring the newly empowered Democrats to remember the voters who put them there, while civil rights groups are on guard against further attacks on voting. Business leaders denounced the Jan. 6 attack, and some say they will no longer donate to lawmakers who refused to certify Biden’s victory. Podhorzer and his allies are still holding their Zoom strategy sessions, gauging voters’ views and developing new messages. And Trump is in Florida, facing his second impeachment, deprived of the Twitter and Facebook accounts he used to push the nation to its breaking point.
As I was reporting this article in November and December, I heard different claims about who should get the credit for thwarting Trump’s plot. Liberals argued the role of bottom-up people power shouldn’t be overlooked, particularly the contributions of people of color and local grassroots activists. Others stressed the heroism of GOP officials like Van Langevelde and Georgia secretary of state Brad Raffensperger, who stood up to Trump at considerable cost. The truth is that neither likely could have succeeded without the other. “It’s astounding how close we came, how fragile all this really is,” says Timmer, the former Michigan GOP executive director. “It’s like when Wile E. Coyote runs off the cliff–if you don’t look down, you don’t fall. Our democracy only survives if we all believe and don’t look down.”

Democracy won in the end. The will of the people prevailed. But it’s crazy, in retrospect, that this is what it took to put on an election in the United States of America.
–With reporting by LESLIE DICKSTEIN, MARIAH ESPADA and SIMMONE SHAH

Correction appended, Feb. 5: The original version of this story misstated the name of Norm Eisen’s organization. It is the Voter Protection Program, not the Voter Protection Project. The original version of this story also misstated Jeff Timmer’s former position with the Michigan Republican Party. He was the executive director, not the chairman.

The videos I included are not the same that were in the article. The ones I chose should serve just as well. What I found so incredible in this article is how unapologetic the author was about the actions that were taken to win the election. She thought that none of these actions were immoral or illegal. I guess the brainwashing is truly complete. However, there are still millions of Americans who know the truth about the election. We will not forget, even though many Republicans congressman are slithering their way back into the swamp.

The 2020 election will go down as arguably the greatest fraud in world history.

The tremendously popular incumbent candidate, President Trump, was easily winning the race on election night in a landslide and then suddenly multiple states took a break, quit counting, and by the end of the week the election was flipped to Joe Biden.

Then, as the President and his team attempted to address the fraud and alleged abnormalities, the courts refused in any case evidence to be brought before a court of law.

We’ve heard over and over from Big Media that President Trump and his team lost numerous court cases linked to the 2020 election. But this is not accurate.

Here’s what we identified from our research of an accurate and updated list of court cases:

  • There are 81 court cases to date based on the 2020 election
  • In 45 cases President Trump was the plaintiff
  • In 34 cases President Trump is not the plaintiff
  • In 2 cases President Trump is the defendant
  • In 72 cases illegal voting is alleged
  • In ZERO of the 72 cases where illegal voting is alleged has evidence been allowed to be presented
  • 30 cases remain active

In the 2020 election:

  • Thousands of instances of fraud were alleged
  • Multiple states changed laws to provide for absentee ballots and the remedy is alleged to be not legal
  • The FBI to date has done nothing to review the alleged fraud
  • The DOJ denied any alleged material instances of fraud
  • The Democrats are accused of the alleged election fraud
  • The state legislatures certified their results with millions of ballots in question
  • The US Congress accepted these certified results which ignored the thousands of instances of election fraud
  • VP Mike Pence accepted the results despite state legislatures asking him to examine the results

It’s easy to find articles claiming that there was no election fraud, or that it was “not widespread,” or that it was not enough to “make a difference.” It is less easy to find some of the actual complaints and allegations, unfiltered and undistorted. 

Here is a (fairly) complete list of (some of) the most significant claims involving 2020 election miscounting, errors or fraud.

Please note that this resource lists allegations. It is intended neither to validate nor disprove any particular claim. The information and links help provide counterpoints to widespread, one-sided media reporting so that you can research and make your own judgements. All elections officials accused of improper counting or fraud have denied any improprieties.

The legislatures of Pennsylvania, Georgia, Nevada, Michigan and Arizona are among those who have been holding public hearings on election fraud issues.

Arizona

An anonymous email sent to the Justice Department criminal division and Arizona legislature alleged that in Pima County, 35,000 votes were fraudulently embedded in advance of the election on behalf of each Democratic candidate at the local and federal level. The allegation coincides with a spike or “injection” of 143,000 votes noted at 8:06 p.m. on election night.

According to the email, discussed at a hearing, Pima County Democrats held a meeting on Sept. 10, 2020 in which plans were detailed to illegally inject 35,000 votes for each Democrat at the outset in statistically adjusted embeds that could be written off as human error if audited.

There was no proper validation of 1.9 million signatures on mail in ballots.

Dominion machines were connected to the internet, according to a witness at a GOP hearing, raising serious security issues.

A hearing witness states she was instructed to allow people to vote who were not registered in the state, who were not on the voter rolls, who had out of state driver’s licenses, who not had been residents long enough, who had not registered in time or who said they were registered in another state. However, pro-Trump voters from other counties were sent away, she says. She also says somebody apparently brought homeless people from outside the precinct in to vote. She also says 13,000 votes, when counted, were unobserved by Republicans.

She says just what she personally observed over five hours in one day impacted approximately 2,000 votes. She also said a poll observer for Democrats from California told her he was there “to help turn this precinct blue… this is one of our problem ones.” He told her they were also focusing on Maricopa County.

A Republican Party leader says she watched votes for Trump be changed to or counted for Biden once they were place in the machine. In a lawsuit, she also says in parts of Maricopa County there were not proper safeguards verifying that mail-in ballots came from registered voters. She also says Republicans were not allowed a proper view of the counting process. (More to come from Arizona hearing soon…)

State officials blame “a data error” for conflicting and fluctuating results in one county that dropped the appearance of Biden’s lead by 6,000 votes, and then posted it back again.

California

Two men are charged with voter fraud after they allegedly submitted more than 8,000 fraudulent voter registration applications for homeless people between July and October 2020.

Georgia

Allegations of “clear evidence of vote switching” from Trump to Biden, including 30,000 votes among several counties.

There were illegal votes from as many as 2,560 felons; 66,247 underage residents; 2,423 people who were not registered; 4,926 people who registered in another state after Georgia; more than 395 people who voted twice; 8,718 dead people; 2,664 who received absentee ballots outside the deadline; illegally blocked observers; failure to properly match signatures and verify identify and eligibility. That’s according to a lawsuit filed on behalf of President Trump on Dec. 4.

Statistical analysis shows Biden pulling from behind in improbably consistent increments in Georgia and other states. “On Wednesday, Nov. 4, the New York Times reported President Trump was leading in Georgia by 103,997 votes. Then the Times’ continuous voting updates showed ballots arriving for Biden in multiples of 4,800 votes over and over again. In some vote dumps, the President actually lost votes.” This continued until Biden pulled ahead by almost exactly 1,000 votes, gaining 104,984 votes in multiples of 4,800. 

In Fulton County, all 900 military ballots went for Joe Biden. The 100% military vote rate for Biden seems improbably in conflict with the 2016 split, where Trump reportedly won the overall military vote 60% to 34%, according to attorney Lin Wood.

On election night, Georgia election officials suspended the vote count, citing a water leak in a master pipe. When Republican observers left, thousands of votes were counted, exclusively for Joe Biden. When people inquired, there was no work order for any leak. The only reported leak that night was a small leak in a toilet that “had nothing to do with a room with ballot counting,” according to a lawsuit filed by attorney Lin Wood. This was confirmed by a later investigation held by a state official.

Election workers put masses of ballots in the wrong stacks and blocked Republican observers; there were suspiciously “pristine” “pre-printed” ballots; thousands of voters registered at specific, fraudulent addresses; 20,311 absentee or early votes were cast by people who were registered as having moved out of state; 96,000 votes were illegally counted for Biden; absentee ballot signatures were not properly matched. That’s according to attorney Sidney Powell’s lawsuit. The lawsuit also states that Dominion voting machines allowed for manual manipulation of vote tallies and alteration of settings to put ballots in a “question” pile where they can be deleted.

Attorney and registered Democrat Carlos Silva says he observed “widespread fraud” in several precincts, always benefitting Biden. At one precinct, a stack of absentee ballots had perfectly filled out black bubbles and, as poll workers went through the stack, he heard them call out Biden’s name “more than 500 times in a row.” At a second precinct, he observed similarly filled in black bubbles for Biden on absentee ballots and poll workers moved him away from his observation position. He observed absentee ballots for Trump counted for Biden; says the required signature verification process was not being followed; and thousands of the “perfect bubble” ballots were for Biden, with no state or local candidates selected. The claims are filed in a sworn declaration.

Government data indicates “well over 100,000 illegal votes [in Georgia] were improperly counted, while tens of thousands of legal votes were not counted.” That’s according to the Thomas Moore Society’s Amistad Project, which has filed litigation questioning more than 200,000 Georgia ballots.

Gov. Brian Kemp illegally authorized election officials to open outer envelopes of absentee ballots three weeks before the election, which is prohibited by state law, according to a lawsuit.

Some voters who requested a mail-in ballot but instead decided to vote in person on Election Day were denied the chance to vote in person, according to a witness. The witness also said many such voters were denied the opportunity to cast a “provisional” mail-in ballot on Election Day. Signatures on mail-in ballot envelopes weren’t verified during the recount, says a witness. Some counties didn’t recount ballots by hand, but improperly used machines. One observer said he saw a batch of ballots that was suspiciously “pristine,” almost all for Biden, and “there was a difference in the texture of the paper.” 

At a Milton, Georgia, precinct, poll workers were asked to sign a chain of custody letter a day and a half before the voting machines arrived, according to a witness. She also said the machines were not sealed or locked as required, and the serial numbers didn’t match.

One observer described many batches of ballots in which every vote was for Biden, and says he saw that the watermark on some ballots differed from the rest. 

More than 1,000 early/absentee votes were cast by people whose registered addresses are at post offices, UPS, and FedEx; willfully disguising the box numbers as ‘Apt,’ ‘Unit,’ etc. in violation of state election law. That’s according to Matt Braynard, former data and strategy director for President Trump’s 2016 campaign. (A sample of 15 such address entries in a Nov. 24 tweet):

The hand recount was not legitimate because pro-Trump observers were not allowed proper access, according to multiple observers. Some votes for Trump were placed into piles for Biden. Some ballots from the “No Vote” and “Jorgensen” candidate trays were moved to the “Biden” tray, according to one witness. 

A recount monitor flagged a 9,626-vote error in the hand recount in DeKalb County, according to the chairman of the Georgia Republican Party in a declaration. One batch had 10,707 votes for Biden and 13 for Trump. But the true count was 1,081 for Biden and 13 for Trump. Two official counters had signed off on the miscounted batch.

A post-election audit and recount discovered memory cards with thousands of uncounted ballots, most of them for Trump, two weeks after the election: 508 in Walton County, 2,600 in Floyd County and 2,755 in Fayette County. The discovery cut Biden’s lead in the state by more than 1,400 votes.

In one county, 3,300 votes were found after the election on memory sticks that had not been loaded into the central vote tally system. There are no procedures to ensure the security of the USB drives reporting vote tallies, according to a lawsuit.

Georgia election officials allegedly intended to alter and/or wipe machines. A judge granted attorney Lin Wood’s emergency request to preserve the machines as-they-are while other motions are considered (Sunday, Nov. 29).

Security camera video presented at a hearing in Georgia purports to show while a room was emptied and counting paused, a few officials pulled groups of ballots out of four suitcases and counted them without legal observers present.

Multiple poll observers claim they were not allowed close enough to do proper observation or were moved out of the counting rooms entirely.

Supervisor Marcia Ridley of the Spalding County Board of Elections said a “technical glitch” in two Georgia countries that caused machines to crash for several hours on Election Day was triggered by something Dominion Voting Systems uploaded the night before. However, the Secretary of State’s office contradicted that information when questioned under oath stating: “It’s not true … I’m not really sure why she said that.”

An analysis of a Dominion voting machine shows 37 votes were moved from Trump to Biden in one small county, according to information presented at a state hearing. Trump attorneys claim when extrapolated statewide, it would add up to 14,000 votes, while Biden won Georgia by 10,000 votes.

On Nov. 18, Cobb County shredded white privacy envelopes for absentee ballots, which are required to be saved under Georgia law to show if each ballot arrived via mail Nov. 18; stacks of absentee ballots had never been folded though they would have to be to be properly mailed; some ballots were kept in Dominion officials’ cars in violation of security procedures; when observers were dismissed from State Farm Arena, counting went on for two hours without them and during this time period Biden pulled ahead; for 2% of ballots in Fulton County there was no proper chain of custody (an amount greater than Biden’s lead in the states); ballots were transported in an insecure fashion without the required security tags, 25,000 people voted who had filed permanent out-of-state change-of-addresses. All of that is according to witnesses at a Georgia State House hearing on Dec. 10.

Idaho

Live online election results from Associated Press (AP) appear to show some sort of glitch, with Trump seeming to lose 6,000 votes in a span of two minutes.

Michigan

A forensic analysis of two Antrim County Dominion voting machines reportedly shows: data from the election was improperly deleted on Nov. 4, the software is designed to have an unacceptably high “error” rate of 68% when federal law only allows a fractional error rate. An attorney representing a voter in a lawsuit says the high error rate allows for unsupervised “adjudication” of the bulk of the votes, which opens up the possibility of fraud. Dominon denies any impropriety.

Forensic analysis by a former military intelligence analyst alleges proof of foreign interference and/or access in the election. It shows Dominion’s voting machine server connected to Iran, China and Serbia. Also, the analyst says records show HongKong Shanghai Bank became collateral agent for Dominion voting systems on Sept. 25, 2019. The declaration is contained in the lawsuit filed by attorney Sidney Powell and includes screen shots and a summary of the evidence. 

Detroit worker Jessy Jacob states in a declaration that she and others were directed to backdate about 100,000 absentee ballots, or about 10,000 per day to make them appear legal even though they were not in the Qualified Voter File and had not arrived by the deadline. She also testified that leading up to Election Day, Detroit poll workers skipped voter ID checks.

Wayne County Board of Canvassing member William Hartmann, a Republican, says in a sworn declaration that Michigan’s largest county certified results knowing there were massive discrepancies between the approved voter files and the ballots cast and counted in Detroit. 71% of Detroit’s 134 absentee voter counting boards were “left unbalanced” and many unexplained, he said in a statement. He also said birth dates in voter ID files were “altered.”

In an Oakland County commissioner race, incumbent Republican Adam Kochenderfer was told he lost, but a later review determined he won. The director of elections blamed the mistake on “a computer issue” that caused Rochester Hills to incorrectly send in results for “seven precincts as both precinct votes and absentee votes” when they should only have been counted once, as absentees. 

Results were reversed in Antrim County after it first appeared Biden beat Trump in a landslide by 6,000 votes there. Michigan officials later blamed “user error” for the incorrect results, and declared Trump actually won the county. The state blamed an Antrim County clerk for failing to properly “update software used to collect voting machine data.” The reason the information got a second look is because people who know the county thought the initial Biden landslide seemed unlikely. But officials say the mishap never affected totals.

An observer in Detroit told a Michigan State Senate hearing that numerous military ballots that looked like “Xerox copies” and were all marked for Democrat Joe Biden. She said election workers manually entered fake birthdates on the records of non registered voters to override the system and allow their votes.

Michigan observer flags chain of custody issues, machines improperly collected to Internet, and other problems.

Nevada

A lawyer for the Trump campaign alleges that 40,000 people voted twice in Nevada.

Voting machines were not secure or password protected, according to a Trump campaign attorney at a Dec. 3 court hearing, and votes disappeared on machines between logging off and logging in. However, they point out they cannot get access to the machines to examine and figure out why.

There was an inexplicable jump in voter registrations with unusual addresses and incomplete information. That’s according to an affidavit  filed by a data scientist who said there was a “historically strange” spike of 13,000 voters who registered with missing information, such as gender and age. There were also registrations that used casinos and RV parks as their address.

The Trump campaign claims gift cards and other incentives given away in a a get-out-the-vote effort aimed at Native Americans was illegal. The organizing group says it is not.

Republicans say they identified several thousand voters who appear to have cast ballots after they moved from Nevada.

The Voter Integrity Project says 8,443 people who voted in Nevada did not meet the legal residency requirements.

At a hearing, the Trump campaign said over 1,500 ballots were cast by dead voters, 42,248 people voted more than once, of those who are on record as not voting: 1% actually did, and 2% of those who supposedly voted by mail say they never got a ballot.

Pennsylvania

Ballots of approximately 1,400 voters illegally listed postal facility addresses as residential. That’s according to Matt Braynard, of Trump’s 2016 election campaign. Braynard also says large percentages of registered Republicans say they voted absentee, while the state data indicates they didn’t.

A statistical analysis of New York Times data in Philadelphia claims a suspicious string of voting “ratios” benefitting Biden, as also happened in Georgia. By 11pm Election Day, Trump was leading Biden by about 285,000 votes. Then, 347,768 votes from somewhere dumped into the system in 44 batches in increments of approximately 6,000, 12,000, or 18,000 additional net votes for Biden. As a result, Biden came back from an election night deficit of 285,000 to a 46,000 vote win four days later.

1.8 million absentee ballots were mailed out for the 2020 election in Pennsylvania, but 2.5 million were counted, according to testimony at a Pennsylvania state hearing.

https://twitter.com/DC_Draino/status/1331721781854531584?s=20

One incident recorded on video indicates 2,600 to 2,700 votes were not initially counted, that “ballots didn’t transfer over like they should have.” The voting machine company, Dominion, was troubleshooting, but nobody could explain.

Dominion Voting Systems’ executives canceled a planned appearance at a hearing in Pennsylvania on Nov. 20.

Registered Republicans requested 165,412 ballots that ultimately were not returned or counted. A statistical analysis determined up to nearly 54,000 ballots were improperly requested by someone other than the registered voter and sent to people who did not request them; and Republicans mailed up to nearly 45,000 ballots that did not ultimately get counted.

A poll watching attorney in Pittsburgh, David Shestokas, says observers were kept from observing the ballot tabulations, saying the ballots are therefore illegal.

There were 47 missing USB cards, according to a poll worker.A truck driver for a subcontractor with the U.S. Postal Service claims that a trailer he was driving with as many a 288,000 ballots disappeared from its parked location, at a Lancaster, Pa., USPS depot, after he dropped it off. He says he transported them from New York.

Gregory Stenstrom claims he saw a Dominion Voting Systems vendor inserting flash drives into voting aggregation machines in Delaware County, and co-mingling flash drives from aggregation machines, possibly hurting the ability of auditors to properly certify results, according to a Pennsylvania legislature hearing.

Texas

A social worker at the Mexia State Supported Living Centers in Texas is charged with illegally submitting 67 voter registration applications for people with intellectual and developmental disabilities without signatures or meaningful consent, including some who are not eligible because they are totally mentally incapacitated.

Wisconsin

Affidavits and statistical analyses allege more than 318,000 illegal ballots were counted, 15,000 mail-in ballots were lost, 18,000 were “fraudulently recorded” in the name of voters who never asked for mail-in ballots, 7,000 ineligible voters who had moved out of state voted illegally, Biden over performed in places using Dominion voting machines, and elections officials directed workers to “cure” or fix ballots with no witness address, or with voter certification missing on absentee ballot certificates and envelopes even though the law states such ballots are not to be counted, according to a lawsuit filed by Sidney Powell.

A USPS subcontractor claims he was told the postal service planned. to improperly backdate tens of thousands of ballots after the Nov. 3 election.

Elections officials twice found batches of missing ballots in voting machines. 

A disability service coordinator who works with adults in assisted living facilities and group homes in and around Milwaukee, says every one of her more than 20 clients told her that they were either pressured to vote for Biden or had a vote cast for Biden before they ever had a chance to see their ballot.

There were illegally altered and illegally issued absentee ballots; and government officials gave illegal advice to voters. That’s according to a Trump campaign filing.

The Trump campaign questions an estimated 238,420 ballots from two counties, Dane and Milwaukee, where election clerks filled in missing information on the certification envelope; where voters declared themselves “indefinitely confined”; and roughly 69,000 absentee ballots cast in person before Election Day. Biden won Wisconsin by about 20,000 votes.

There was a suspicious spike in voters registering as “indefinitely confined,” which allows them to be exempt from presenting a photo ID to vote. Year to year, the number of voters calling themselves “indefinitely confined” increased 238% from 72,000 to 243,900. UPDATE: Wisconsin’s Supreme Court ruled in favor of Republicans in a lawsuit stating that coronavirus and stay-at-home orders were not legitimate reasons for voters to vote without ID as “indefinitely confined.”

Nearly 400 absentee ballots that were not initially counted were later found. Officials blame “human error.”

A trickle of votes that had Trump in the lead all night suddenly shifted when 170,000 votes, 5% of the total state count, came in one giant dump 17 times larger than average.  Before the dump, Trump was ahead by 108,000 votes. He fell behind by 9,000 votes an instant later.  

Allegations about Dominion voting machines

Dominion machines can be altered to manipulate tallies in just a few minutes, using malicious code, according to Princeton professor of computer science and election security expert Andrew Appel.

A ballot can be spoiled or altered by the Dominion machine because “the ballot marking printer is in the same paper path as the mechanism to deposit marked ballots into an attached ballot box,” a study by University of California–Berkeley said.

The voting machines are susceptible to hacking or remote tampering because they are connected to the internet, even though they’re not supposed to be, according to a lawsuit. “If one laptop was connected to the internet, the entire precinct was compromised.”

There is evidence of remote access and remote troubleshooting, “which presents a grave security implication,” according to Finnish computer programmer and election security expert Hari Hursti. His declaration also claims the activity logs of the voting machines can be overwritten by hackers to erase their steps.

Dominion machine operators can change settings to exclude certain ballots from being counted. The ballots can be put in a separate file and deleted simply, according to Ronald Watkins, a software and cyber-security expert who reviewed the Dominion software manual. He also said final vote count involved machine operators copying and pasting the “Results” folder onto a USB drive, a process he calls “error-prone and very vulnerable to malicious administrators.”

Before the Election: How We Got Here

Fifteen years ago, a landmark report by the bipartisan Commission on Federal Election Reform, known informally as the Carter-Baker Commission, advised all U.S. states that in order to guarantee free and fair elections, they should: increase voter ID requirements; minimize the use of mail-in ballots, which “remain the largest source of potential voter fraud”; disallow ballot harvesting by third parties; purge voter rolls of all ineligible or fraudulent names; allow election observers to monitor ballot-counting processes without restraint or obstruction; ensure that voting machines are accurate in their tabulations; and encourage news organizations to “delay the release of any exit-poll data until the election has been decided.” All of these recommendations were widely ignored in the elections of November 2020.

During the months leading up to this year’s presidential race, the Biden campaign assembled a team of some 600 lawyers and more than 10,000 volunteers to “[go] into every single state” in order to “call out local rules that don’t adequately ensure access to vote.”

Beginning more than a year ago, Democrats filed nearly 300 lawsuits in dozens of states – most notably all of the key battleground states – in an effort to change election laws and regulations in ways that would benefit Democrat candidates. For example, they sought to: (a) extend the statutory deadlines by which mail-in ballots could be submitted, postmarked, or received by election authorities; (b) permit people to vote earlier than ever before, in some cases as many as 50 days prior to Election Day; (c) eliminate signature, signature-verification, and witness requirements for mail-in ballots; (d) void state laws that disallowed ballot harvesting by third parties; (e) terminate photo-ID requirements for in-person voting; (f) introduce provisions that would allow for the “curing” of mail-in ballots that contained errors or omissions; and (g) require state election officials to send unsolicited mail-in ballots to every person listed as a registered voter, even though such lists have long been notoriously inaccurate.

Though the Democrats did not get everything that they wanted, they got most of it. Broadcaster and bestselling author Mark Levin, citing the cases of Pennsylvania, Georgia, Michigan, Wisconsin, and Arizona — and their combined 73 Electoral College votes – explains what happened:

“Every one of these states [and others as well] were targeted by Democrats. Every one of these states violated the United States Constitution, Article II, Section 1, Clause 2 [which empowers the state legislatures alone to make election law for each state]. Every one of them, because changes were made to their election systems not by the state legislature, but by other public officials.… That’s 73 Electoral College votes. This is why Donald Trump won the election…. [I]f the federal Constitution had not been violated, yes, Donald Trump would be … president of the United States today. Putting all fraud aside. All fraud aside. This is why you should be furious with the United States Supreme Court, that had as its duty, as its sworn responsibility … to insist that the states comply with the federal Constitution under Article II, Section 1, Clause 2, and that any changes made outside that clause, by governors, secretaries of states, by courts, federal or state, by election boards or other bureaucrats, will be deemed unconstitutional. [The Supreme Court] had a case [in Pennsylvania] … before a single vote was counted, they had a case [alleging unconstitutional changes to election laws] and they didn’t take it up…. [The Democrats] made these changes, they plotted, they planned, they litigated, they pressured, they lobbied, and now we have, if he’s sworn in, Joe Biden, who will be an illegitimate president of the United States in every meaning of that word, ‘illegitimate.’”

The Implausibility of Trump’s Loss

While President Trump was granting interviews on a daily basis to friendly and hostile media outlets alike, and was holding campaign rallies that drew tens of thousands of passionate supporters, Joe Biden, for the most part, remained locked away inside his basement, rarely even agreeing to give brief video interviews. On the few occasions when Biden did take part in interviews, he was typically disoriented, incoherent, and seemingly exhausted. And when he held “rallies,” they were invariably awkward, uninspired events mired in pessimistic rhetoric and attended only by tiny handfuls of people.[10] Common sense tells us that no candidate so pathetically inept and so deeply unappealing, could possibly have inspired 15.4 million more people to vote for him, than had voted for Democrat icon Barack Obama in 2012.

Late on Election Night – November 3, 2020 — President Trump led Biden by approximately 100,000 votes in Wisconsin, 300,000 votes in Michigan, 300,000 votes in Georgia, and 700,000 votes in Pennsylvania. Then, suddenly, all four of these states suspended their vote counts, almost simultaneously. By the early-morning hours of the following day, Wisconsin had flipped in Biden’s favor, followed by Michigan soon thereafter. A few days later, Georgia and Pennsylvania followed suit as well.

President Trump received more votes than any previous incumbent seeking re-election, and he increased his 2016 vote total by 11 million — the third largest rise ever achieved by an incumbent. By contrast, President Obama had comfortably won re-election in 2012 with 3.5 million fewer votes than he had received in 2008.

Biden in 2020 won only 17% of all counties nationwide, a record low.

According to exit polls, 95% of Republicans voted for Trump. Moreover, black support for Trump grew by 50% above its 2016 level, while Biden’s black support fell well below 90%.

Trump also increased his share of the national Hispanic vote from 29% in 2016, to 35% in 2020.

Trump easily won Florida, Ohio and Iowa in 2020. Since 1852, the only presidential candidate to lose an election while winning these three states was Richard Nixon in 1960 – an outcome that was likely the result of election fraud by Democrats.

Biden’s purported victory is due entirely to the fact that he seems to have overperformed specifically in the tiny handful of Democrat-run cities that provided him with narrow leads in each of the battleground states, and nowhere else. As The American Spectator puts it: “Biden [won] Michigan, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin because of an apparent avalanche of black votes in Detroit, Philadelphia, and Milwaukee. Biden’s ‘winning’ margin was derived almost entirely from such voters in these cities, as coincidentally his black vote spiked only in exactly the locations necessary to secure victory. He did not receive comparable levels of support among comparable demographic groups in comparable states.”

The Washington Examiner notes how strange it is that Trump could have lost the election even though “Republicans won all 27 House races [that] the Cook Political Report rated as ‘toss-ups’ in its 2020 election analysis, in addition to picking up 7 of the 36 seats the outlet rated as ‘likely Democrat’ or ‘lean Democrat.’”[19] Moreover, Democrats were unable to overturn even a single Republican seat in the House.[20] And in New Hampshire, Republicans seized control of both the state House and the state Senate, which had been firmly in Democrat hands.

In a December 6 interview with Mark Levin on Fox News, pollster and Democracy Institute founder Patrick Basham said that if Biden was indeed the winner of the presidential election, he had defied key “non-polling metrics” in a way that may be “not statistically impossible, but it’s statistically implausible.” Basham explained that there are “a dozen or more of these metrics … [that] have a 100% accuracy rate in terms of predicting the winner of the presidential election,” including “party registration trends, how the candidates did in their respective presidential primaries, the number of individual donations, [and] how much enthusiasm each candidate generated in the opinion poll.”[22] Other notable variables are the candidates’ social media followings, their broadcast and digital media ratings, the number of online searches that their names generate, the number of small donors they have, and the number of individuals who are betting on them to win.[23] “In 2016,” said Basham, “[these metrics] all indicated strongly that Donald Trump would win against most of the public polling. That was again the case in 2020. So if we are to accept that Biden won against the trend of all these non-polling metrics, it not only means that one of these metrics was inaccurate … for the first time ever, it means that each one of these metrics was wrong for the first time and at the same time as all of the others.”

Noting also that “Donald Trump improved his national performance over 2016 by almost 20%,” Basham stated: “No incumbent president has ever lost a reelection bid if he’s increased his [total] votes.”

Conclusion



Democrats and leftists have long maintained that occurrences of voter fraud and election fraud are so rare as to be nearly nonexistent, and that such occurrences should therefore not be used as pretexts for implementing allegedly unnecessary measures like voter ID requirements, signature-verification procedures, and voter-roll updates. But as the evidence presented in this article plainly attests, the amount of fraud that took place in the 2020 presidential election alone, was nothing short of monstrous.

Why, then, has one court after another refused to even listen to testimony regarding these many abominations? In some cases, of course, the courts are controlled by hardline leftists firmly committed to ignoring any evidence that might call Joe Biden’s “victory” into question. But in many other cases, fear has played a major role. Noting, for instance, that “the court system has been deeply intimidated by the left,” former judge James Troupis, representing the Trump campaign in Wisconsin, recently told the Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee:

“One of the reasons I was called [to represent the Trump campaign was] because virtually every major law firm in this country and in this city refused to represent the president. Not because of the lack of merit in his claims—we’ve certainly demonstrated that there’s merit—but because of the cancel culture. Because of the environment that has been created by the left that has intimidated lawyers so that they can’t be here. They’re not here, from the giant law firms, precisely because they were ordered by their management committees and others that, ‘You cannot take those cases. The reasons you cannot take those cases is because our clients, or the Democrat party, or the incoming administration will remember that and they will hold it against you.’”

In a similar vein, Mark Levin observes: “[T]he judiciary has collapsed. They saw the [Black Lives Matter & Antifa] riots, they saw the threats against individual senators. They saw how these violent mobsters would find your home, harass your children, and they want none of it. They want none of it. And so they’d just as soon burn their copy of the Constitution, and that’s what they did.”

The great scholar Dennis Prager has written that “the rarest of all the positive human traits” is courage. That observation seems particularly profound at this moment in time, as America stares directly into the abyss of a fanatical tyranny that has candidly and openly vowed to engulf it. Right now, not tomorrow, is the time for ordinary men and women to reach deep inside themselves, summon up a measure of courage that they may never have realized they possess, and do some extraordinary things. If fear can destroy a civilization, courage can save it.   

Resources

time.com, “The Secret History of the Shadow Campaign That Saved the 2020 Election,” By Molly Ball; joecheated.com, “Joe cheated. Here’s Proof;” missliberty.com, “Voter Fraud 2020: The Complete List;” truth11.com, “Accurate List of 2020 Election Fraud Cases,” By Derek Knauss; sharylattkisson.com, “What you’ve been asking for: A (fairly) complete list of (some of) the most significant claims of 2020 election miscounts, errors or fraud,” By Sharyl Attkisson; stonecoldtruth.com, ” 2020 Election Fraud Evidence Compiled,: By Roger Stone; votefraud.news; frontpagemag.com, ” Yes, It Was a Stolen Election,” By John Perazzo;

Addendum

Voter Fraud 2020: The Complete List

Half Of Americans Believe Election Stolen, Even A Third of Democrats
Why Do So Many Think Election Stolen? First, The Circumstantial Evidence
Experts Have Warned For Years US Voting Systems Highly Vulnerable To Fraud
So When System Kept “Glitching” For Biden, That Seemed Suspicious
All The More Suspicious Because Of Democrat Connection To Voting Software
Even Manual Counting Was Suspicious–Errors Overwhelmingly Favored Biden
And How Was It That Overnight Suddenly So Many Biden Votes Appeared?
Reports Also Indicated Huge Numbers Of Illegitimate Votes Were Added In
In Some Places Even Dead Voted In Large Numbers
And Legitimate Votes Were Taken Out
Then There Was The Pattern Of Illegally “Fixing” Ballots
Voters Were Also Coached to Vote for Biden, And Votes Purchased
All This Might Have Been Stopped, But Democrat Officials Ejected Observers
And What Happened When Republicans Objected? They Were Threatened
It Almost Seems That Blue States Were Trying To Make Fraud Easy
Culture Of Corruption: Democrats Have A Pattern Of Using Voter Fraud
Even The USPS Seems To Have Been Working Against Trump
Big Tech Doesn’t Want You To Discuss This Or Share This Link
Remember, Google Made It Its Mission To Shift The Vote

Don’t Believe Any Of This? Just Listen To This Guy

Because so many ballots were cast in 2020 by people voting by mail for the first time, most experts, using historical patterns as a guide, predicted a higher-than-usual rate of ballots being rejected for flaws such as missing information, inaccurate information, or a failure to place ballots in secrecy envelopes. But precisely the opposite occurred in the battleground states:

  • In Pennsylvania, a mere 0.03% of the state’s mail-in ballots were rejected in 2020 – a rate more than 30 times lower than the 2016 rejection rate of 1%.
  • In Georgia, the rejection rate in 2020 was 0.2%, more than 30 times lower than the 6.4% figure from 2016.
  • In Nevada, the 2020 rejection rate was approximately 0.75%, less than half the 1.6% rate from 2016.
  • In North Carolina, the 2020 rejection rate was 0.8%, less than one-third the 2.7% rate from 2016.
  • In Michigan, the 2020 rejection rate was 0.1%, about one-fifth the 0.5% rate from 2016.

Citing what occurred in Pennsylvania, an Epoch Times report provides a partial explanation for these low 2020 rejection rates: “Election officials in [Pennsylvania’s] Democrat strongholds … exceeded their authority in order to give voters preferential treatment that wasn’t afforded to voters in Republican-leaning areas of the state. Specifically, election workers illegally ‘pre-canvassed’ mail-in ballots to determine whether they were missing a secrecy envelope or failed to include necessary information. When ballots were found to be flawed, voters were given an opportunity to correct, or ‘cure,’ their ballots to make sure they counted.”

What Happened in Georgia

In Georgia, illegal ballots were cast by, or in the name of: more than 2,500 felons; 66,247 underage voters; 2,423 unregistered voters; 4,926 individuals who had failed to register prior to the state’s voter-registration deadline; 395 individuals who voted in two states; 20,311 voters who had moved out of state and thus were no longer eligible to vote in Georgia; 40,279 people who had moved across county lines in Georgia without re-registering in their new county of residence; 30,000 to 40,000 people whose absentee ballots lacked a valid, verifiable signature; and at least 1,043 individuals whose voter registrations claimed postal facilities as their home address and disguised their box numbers as “apartment” numbers. Almost all of the people in this latter category were absentee voters who cast their ballots early.

Nine individuals at various recount sites in Georgia issued sworn affidavits stating that they had seen large numbers of uncreased mail-in ballots – meaning that the ballots had not been folded and mailed in an envelope as required by law — almost all cast for Biden. As longtime poll manager Susan Voyles wrote in her affidavit: “It was pristine. There was a difference in the texture of the paper … There were no markings on the ballots to show where they had come from, or where they had been processed. I observed that the markings for the candidates on these ballots were unusually uniform, perhaps even with a ballot marking device. By my estimate in observing these ballots, approximately 98% constituted votes for Joseph Biden.”

At least 96,600 absentee ballots in Georgia were requested and counted but were never recorded as having been returned by the voter to county election boards.

In a major Fulton County, Georgia polling place, surveillance cameras captured perhaps the most graphic video evidence of election fraud ever recorded. At about 10:30 PM on Election Night, poll workers and election observers were told that because of a water-main break inside the building, they were to go home for the night and not return until 8:30 the following morning, at which time all vote-counting – which was purportedly being suspended for the overnight hours — would resume. By approximately 10:50 pm, everyone had left the facility except four Democrat poll workers who stayed behind. As soon as everyone else had gone home, these four individuals promptly pulled four large, wheeled cases out from under a long table whose floor-length black tablecloth had theretofore concealed them. The cases were filled with approximately 6,000 ballots apiece, and the four remaining poll workers proceeded to count them until about 1:00 a.m. – with no Republican observers on hand. Moreover, it was later confirmed that there had not been any water-main break in the building; that was a phony excuse designed to create a pretext for removing non-Democrat poll workers.

A vote update in Georgia at 1:34 AM on November 4 added 136,155 votes for Biden and 29,115 votes for Trump.

According to Real Clear Investigations journalist Paul Sperry: “In the early hours of Nov. 5, a surge of some 20,000 mail-in votes suddenly appeared for Joe Biden, while approximately 1,000 votes for President Trump mysteriously disappeared from his own totals in the critical swing state [of Georgia].”

Data expert Edward Solomon analyzed the 2020 election results in Georgia and found that approximately 200,000 votes had been transferred from Trump to Biden at the precinct level.

What Happened in Pennsylvania

Some 165,412 of the mail-in and absentee ballots that were requested in the names of registered Republican voters in Pennsylvania, were never tabulated by vote-counters. Williams College mathematics professor Steven Miller, who specializes in analytic number theory and sabermetrics, analyzed the data and concluded, in a sworn affidavit, that: (a) the number of ballots “requested in the name of a registered Republican by someone other than that person” was “almost surely … between 37,001 and 58,914,” and (b) the number of “Republican ballots that the requester returned but were not counted” was “almost surely” between 38,910 and 56,483.

A sworn affidavit claims that election workers in Pennsylvania were instructed to assign ballots without names to random people across the state. Consequently, thousands of Pittsburgh residents who showed up to vote in person were told that, according to official records, they already had voted.

At least 1,400 early and absentee voters in Pennsylvania listed their home addresses as those of post offices, UPS facilities, and FedEx locations, disguising the box numbers as “Apartment,” “Unit,” “Suite,” etc.

In Pennsylvania, more than 51,000 mail-in and absentee ballots were marked as having been returned just one day after they were sent out by election officials, a virtual impossibility. Nearly 35,000 additional mail-in and absentee ballots were marked as having been returned on the same day that they were sent out, and another 23,000+ had a return date that was earlier than the sent date. Further, there were more than 43,000 mail-in and absentee ballots marked as having been returned just two days after being sent out, which still represents an implausibly fast turnaround time. Plus, more than 9,000 mail-in and absentee ballots had no “sent” date listed at all.
 
A Republican poll observer from Pennsylvania’s Delaware County, Greg Stenstrom, who is an expert in security fraud, told a Senate GOP Policy Committee hearing that 47 USB cards containing poll results had gone missing without explanation. He also said that he had witnessed at least two dozen instances where a warehouse supervisor uploaded USB card data to voting machines without being observed by a poll watcher. 

Whistleblower Jesse Morgan, who worked as a truck driver for a subcontractor with the USPS, says that on October 21 he drove a truck filled with potentially upward of 288,000 ballots from Bethpage, New York to Lancaster, Pennsylvania, thereby illegally transporting ballots across state lines.

Affidavits by postal workers in three Pennsylvania cities have testified that various post offices illegally backdated ballots and ordered that Trump mail be placed in the “Undeliverable Bulk Business Mail” bin while emphasizing that Biden mail should be delivered on time.

Pennsylvania postal worker Richard Hopkins told James O’Keefe of Project Veritas that Erie County postmaster Robert Wisenbach had told postal employees to separate mail-in ballots that arrived after November 3 from other mail, and to backdate those ballots so that they would be counted in the election. Both the Washington Post and New York Times later published false stories claiming, incorrectly, that Hopkins had retracted his allegation.

In one particular vote spike in Pennsylvania during the wee morning hours of November 4, approximately 570,000 votes were added to Biden’s total, while a mere 3,200 were added to Trump’s total – a ratio of about 178-to-1.

What Happened in Michigan

According to one affidavit, a Michigan election supervisor violated existing state law by instructing election workers at in-person polling places not to request photo identification from voters.

Affidavits filed in Michigan claim that poll workers were instructed to ignore signature mismatches, backdate late-arriving ballots (to make it appear that they had arrived before the statutory deadline), and process ballots of questionable validity.

Poll challenger Andrew Sitto swore in an affidavit that boxes filled with tens of thousands of unsealed, unsecured ballots—all cast for Democrats—had arrived in vehicles with out-of-state license plates in Michigan’s Wayne County at 4:30 AM on the morning after Election Day. “I specifically noticed that every ballot I observed was cast for Joe Biden,” said Sitto. According to another sworn affidavit, the names on the ballots in these boxes did not appear on either the Qualified Voter File (QVF) or the supplemental lists of voters who had registered shortly before Election Day.

Sitto says that in the vote-counting room where he was stationed on Election Day, an election official at one point used a large sheet of cardboard to block the windows; that same official subsequently refused to let Sitto re-enter the room after he had left for a break.

Robert Cushman, a poll challenger in Detroit, said in a sworn affidavit: “I saw the computer operators at several counting boards manually adding,” “to the QVF system,” “the names and addresses of these thousands of ballots … from unknown, unverified ‘persons.’”

In 18 sworn affidavits in Michigan, the witnesses claimed that election officials had counted the ballots of people whose names were not in the voter file, and that those names were added into the system with the birth date of January 1, 1900.[51] One of these 18 affiants was Robert Cushman, who said in his testimony: “When I asked about this impossibility of each ballot having the same birthday occurring in 1900, I was told that was the instruction that came down from the Wayne County Clerk’s office.”

Approximately 9,500 Michigan mail-in ballots were purportedly submitted by voters whose names and birth dates matched those in the death records of the Social Security Death Index. In addition, nearly 2,000 more ballots were cast in the names of voters who claimed to be aged 100+ but were not listed in public records as living individuals.

In a federal lawsuit filed against Michigan on November 10, President Trump’s re-election campaign presented 234 pages of sworn witness affidavits describing how, in violation of Michigan’s election code, Republican poll challengers had been prevented in various ways from being able to properly observe the vote-counting process – particularly in Wayne, which is Michigan’s most populous county. “Election officials would applaud, cheer, and yell whenever a Republican challenger was ejected from the counting area,” the lawsuit stated.

Seven witnesses in Michigan said they had seen the same stacks of ballots being run through tabulation machines multiple times by Democrat poll workers (with no Republicans alongside them).

An affidavit filed by a postal worker in Traverse City, Michigan states that various post offices illegally backdated ballots and ordered that Trump mail be placed in the “Undeliverable Bulk Business Mail” bin while demanding that Biden mail should be delivered promptly.

Another postal employee in Traverse City contacted James O’Keefe of Project Veritas to describe, on video, how his supervisor, Johnathon Clarke, had required postal workers to illegally segregate and manually backdate ballots received after the statutory deadline of 8 PM on Election Day. The workers were then ordered to immediately send these doctored ballots to the P.O.’s main distribution center. When Mr. O’Keefe subsequently reached Clarke by phone to question him about the allegations, a startled Clarke refused to say a word and immediately hung up the call.

IT and cyber-security specialist Melissa Carone, who on November 3 and 4 worked as a contractor for Dominion Voting Systems — the company that provided the voting machines in 66 of Michigan’s 83 counties in 2020[58] — told a Michigan Senate Oversight Committee hearing: “What I witnessed at the TDS Center [where votes were being counted] was complete fraud. The whole 27 hours I was there. There were batches of ballots being ran through the tabulating machines numerous times, being counted eight to ten times, I watched this with my own eyes. I was there to assist with IT.” Adding that she was “under the impression 100 percent that all of these workers were in on this,” Carone claimed: “There was not a single ballot that the whole night, the whole 27 hours that I was there, that was for Donald Trump, not one.”

Carone also has noted that there were approximately 22 to 24 tabulating machines in the location where she was working, and that she observed election-related malpractice “thousands of times” while she was at the site.

The anti-election-fraud organization “Guard the Vote” examined 30,000 of the 172,000 mail-in and absentee ballots that were cast in the city of Detroit. Of those 30,000 ballots, 229 were cast in the names of dead people, while another 2,660 were cast by people claiming invalid home addresses such as those of vacant lots and burnt-down houses. In short, at least 2,889 (9.6%) of these 30,000 Detroit ballots should have been discarded. If this rate of ineligibility is representative of the city’s 172,000 mail-in votes as a whole, more than 16,500 of those votes were likely invalid.

Patty McMurray, a Republican poll challenger in Detroit, claims that she saw large numbers of photocopied mail-in ballots submitted in the names of unregistered voters, all cast for Biden. “Not one of the ballots was a registered military voter, and the ballots looked like they were all the same Xeroxed copies of the ballot,” she testified. “They were all for Biden across the board. There wasn’t a single Trump vote. None of the voters are registered.” Asserting that election workers had entered those names and addresses with phony birthdates that “would override the system and allow them to enter nonregistered voters,” McMurray added: “Throughout the day, that’s how they would override voters that were neither in the electronic poll book or the supplemental, updated poll book.”

A vote update in Michigan at 3:50 AM on November 4 added 54,497 votes for Biden and 4,718 votes for Trump.

Another vote update in Michigan at 6:31 AM on November 4 added 141,258 votes for Biden and 5,968 votes for Trump.

What Happened in Wisconsin

A vote update in Wisconsin at 3:42 AM on November 4 added 143,379 votes for Biden and 25,163 votes for Trump.

At least 26,673 people used mail-in ballots to vote illegally in Wisconsin after they had moved out of the state.

Postal subcontractor Nathan Pease has testified that he was told by two separate postal workers, on two separate occasions, that the USPS in Wisconsin was preparing to backdate more than 100,000 late-arriving ballots on the morning of November 4, to make it look like they had arrived prior to the statutory deadline.

According to election data in Wisconsin, approximately 49,000 people voted for a Republican House candidate down ballot but purportedly chose not to vote for Trump at the top of the ticket.

State data show a voter-turnout rate in Wisconsin of 88%, an implausibly high number.[69]

James Troupis, the lead attorney for the Trump campaign in Wisconsin, testified as follows to the U.S. Senate on December 16 vis-à-vis the many scores of thousands of illegally cast ballots that had been approved and counted in that state:

“In Wisconsin, we just completed a recount…. Uniquely, we are able to examine actual envelopes that contain the ballots that are submitted by absentee voters. This allowed us to identify by person, by address, by ward. It’s not conspiracy. The real names are in the record. And here’s what we found. We found that there were incomplete and altered certificates. These are the certificates on the front of the envelopes that have to be exactly done correctly under our law. If not, those results may not be counted [in the election]. How many of those? More than 3,000 of those identified by person were nonetheless counted, even though they are clearly invalid under the law.

“A second category, initials of clerks are placed on all of those envelopes. Why? Because the clerk identifies it having been properly received and identification is provided. That’s the check in advance of the election. What did we find? More than 2,000 of those ballots in Dane and Milwaukee County had no initials at all. But nonetheless, they got counted.

“We also have special laws in Wisconsin with regard to voting in advance. We do not allow advanced voting. We allow in-person and other voting as absentee. So, anything before election day is under our absentee rules. What did the city of Madison do? They created a system where people could arrive at a park, hand in their ballots in envelopes five weeks before the election. They also created boxes. No controls at all. Just boxes on corners that you could throw the ballot in. No attempt at all. And our statutes explicitly say there are only two ways to submit an absentee ballot. In person or delivery to the clerk’s office. That’s it. Nothing else is allowed. And yet have the city of Madison, we had … 17,271 ballots in this category that we identify. There are tens of thousands more because they co-mingled the ballots afterwards so we couldn’t identify each one that may have been properly cast.

“Then we have an interesting category called ‘indefinitely confined.’ These are people who [cannot vote in person because of their] age, physical illness or infirmity, or [disability]. So, they don’t have to provide any identification. Among those claiming this status is one of the electors for Joe Biden, who said, ‘I can’t get to the polls.’ We have poll workers who claimed it. We have people who went to protests, people who had weddings, people who had vacations, all claimed this status. ‘I can’t get to the polls.’ So, they were able to vote without identification. There were 28,395 people we explicitly identified [in this category].

“Finally, there are other categories in which as much as 170,000 other ballots were submitted without any application. In fact, they considered the certification envelope the application, though a separate application is required by law. Three million people properly voted in the state of Wisconsin. More than 200,000 identified during this recount did not. But those votes got counted, and our statute says they should not have been.”

What Happened in Nevada

In Nevada, 42,284 people are on record as having voted twice in 2020. Moreover, ballots were cast in the names of approximately 20,000 individuals without a Nevada mailing address; 2,468 people who had moved to another state and thus were ineligible to vote in Nevada; 1,500 people who were dead; almost 4,000 non-citizens; and nearly 30,000 people who falsely listed non-residential, vacant, or non-existent addresses as their home addresses.

On December 16, Trump campaign attorney Jesse Banal testified to the U.S. Senate: “All in all, our experts identified 130,000 unique instances of voter fraud in Nevada. But the actual number is almost certainly higher. Our data scientists made these calculations not by estimations or statistical sampling, but by analyzing and comparing the list of actual voters with other lists, most of which are publicly available.”

Also in his Senate testimony, Banal explained how this widespread fraud had initially come to pass in Nevada:

“On August 3rd, 2020 after a rushed special session, Nevada legislators made drastic changes to the state’s election law by adopting a bill known as AB-4. The vulnerabilities of this statute were obvious. It provided for universal mail voting without sufficient safeguards to authenticate voters or ensure the fundamental requirement that only one ballot was sent to each legally qualified voter. This was aggravated by election officials’ failure to clean known deficiencies in their voter rolls. Because of AB-4, the number of mail ballots rocketed from about 70,000 in 2016 to over 690,000 this year. The election was inevitably riddled with fraud, and our hotline never stopped ringing.”

Data scientist Dorothy Morgan reports that in the Third Congressional District of Nevada alone, there were 13,372 incomplete and fraudulent voter registrations submitted in 2020, as compared to a mere 68 in 2016. Many of these phony registrations listed casinos or temporary RV parks as the voters’ “home or mailing addresses.” Fully 74% of the fraudulent registrations of 2020 took place between July and September.

What Happened in Multiple Battleground States

In a study headed by Matt Braynard, the former data-and-strategy director for President Trump’s 2016 election campaign, researchers made phone calls to many thousands of registered Republican voters in Pennsylvania who, according to state data, had received mail-in ballots for the 2020 election. Of the 1,706 voters whom the researchers were able to contact, nearly one-third said they had never actually requested a ballot. Among the remaining 1,137 voters who said that they had in fact requested a ballot, were 453 (42%) who both: (a) reported that they had mailed their ballots back, and (b) were unaware of the fact that those ballots were never recorded as “received” or “counted” by the state. If the foregoing percentages are representative of what happened to the overall total of 165,412 Republican-requested mail-in ballots that were never tabulated by vote-counters, the implications are obviously enormous.

In other states, Braynard found that the percentage of Republicans who likewise had requested ballots that were never subsequently recorded as having been “received” or “counted” by the state were: 50% in Arizona, 44% in Georgia, nearly 33% in Michigan, and 20% in Wisconsin.

Braynard found 17,877 early or absentee ballots that were cast in Georgia in the names of people who had filed out-of-state move notices and thus were not eligible to vote in Georgia. The same was true of 7,426 ballots in Pennsylvania, 6,254 ballots in Wisconsin, 5,145 ballots in Nevada, 5,084 ballots in Arizona, and 1,688 ballots in Michigan.

Records show that in Pennsylvania, some 98,000 people voted only for Joe Biden and did not vote for anyone further down the ticket. The corresponding numbers in other key states were approximately: 80,000 to 90,000 in Georgia, 42,000 in Arizona, 63,000 in Wisconsin, and 69,000 to 115,000 in Michigan.

At least 19,997 people used mail-in ballots to vote illegally in Arizona after they had moved out of the state.

According to an analysis by the research group Just Facts, it is likely that 234,570 noncitizen votes benefited Biden across seven closely contested battleground states: Arizona, Georgia, Michigan, Wisconsin, Nevada, North Carolina, and Pennsylvania. Previous research has found that 81% of noncitizens who vote, cast their ballots for Democrats.

Prior to the election, a Pew Research Center survey reported that in those states where a Senate seat was up for grabs in 2020, “overwhelming shares of voters” who planned to back either Trump or Biden said that they also would be “supporting the same-party candidate for Senate.” Consistent with those survey results, in traditionally red and blue non-battleground states alike, the total number of votes garnered by Biden was only slightly higher than the number of votes received by the Democrat Senate candidates who were also on the ballot. Similarly, the total number of votes won by Trump was only a little bit higher than the number of votes received by the Republican Senate candidates who were also on the ballot.

But in the battleground states, inexplicably, the gap between Biden and the Democrat Senate candidates was far greater than the gap between Trump and the Republican Senate candidates. In Michigan, for example, Biden received 69,093 more votes than did Democrat Senate candidate Gary Peters, while Trump received only 7,131 more votes than Republican Senate candidate John James. And in Georgia, Biden received 95,801 more votes than did Democrat Senate candidate Jon Osoff, while Trump received only 818 more votes than Republican Senate candidate David Perdue. This means that in battleground states, a large number of Democrats seem to have voted for Biden while mysteriously choosing to ignore the highly important Senate races.

Rigged & Corrupted Voting Machines

According to witness and expert statements contained in a lawsuit released by former federal prosecutor Sidney Powell and her legal team: (a) agents of malicious actors such as China and Iran accessed the software used by the Dominion voting machines “in order to monitor and manipulate elections”; (b) an affiant who was part of a national security detail to former Venezuelan socialist dictator Hugo Chavez, said that the software used by Dominion was designed specifically to enable the Venezuelan government to rig elections without getting caught; (c) that allegation was corroborated by another witness who “was in an official position related to elections and witnessed manipulations of petitions to prevent a removal of President Chavez”; (d) another affiant who was the cousin of the former chief executive of Smartmatic, the company that developed the Dominion software, said that that executive was determined “to ensure the election for Chavez in the 2004 Referendum in Venezuela”; (e) Princeton computer-science professor and election-security expert Andrew Appel testified that the vote tallies calculated by the Dominion machines can be manipulated by imputing a malicious code in just “7 minutes alone with [the voting machine] and a screwdriver”; and (f) Finnish computer programmer and election-security expert Hari Hursti testified that the Dominion voting machines can easily be hacked because they are connected to the Internet, a fact which he described as “a grave security implication.”

One particularly noteworthy affiant describes himself as a former “electronic intelligence analyst under 305th Military Intelligence” with “experience gathering SAM missile system electronic intelligence” and “extensive experience as a white hat hacker used by some of the top election specialists in the world.” After conducting extensive forensic reviews, this witness concluded that “the Dominion software was accessed by agents acting on behalf of China and Iran in order to monitor and manipulate elections, including the most recent US general election in 2020.” He denounced Dominion for its “complete failure” to provide “basic cyber security.”

A separate complaint in Georgia concurred that “by using servers and employees connected with rogue actors and hostile foreign influences combined with numerous easily discoverable leaked credentials, Dominion neglectfully allowed foreign adversaries to access data and intentionally provided access to their infrastructure in order to monitor and manipulate elections, including the most recent one in 2020.”

Ben Turner, who heads Fraud Spotters, a consultancy specializing in detecting insurance fraud, conducted a county-by-county analysis of how the adoption of Dominion Voting Systems machines by those counties between the 2008 and 2020 presidential races may have affected election results in those places. After controlling for a host of key variables like race, population, immigration rate, and education, Turner found that in presidential races, the use of Dominion machines was associated with a 1.55 percentage point decrease in the Republican vote and a 1.55 percentage point increase in the Democratic vote.

Another longtime data analyst found that Biden in 2020 had performed above the prediction line in 78% of counties that used either Dominion or HART InterCivic voting machines, consistently receiving 5.6% more votes than expected. The analyst called this “a dramatic red flag.”

After conducting a forensic audit of Dominion voting machines, Russell Ramsland Jr., co-founder of Allied Security Operations Group, said in a report: “We conclude that the Dominion Voting System is intentionally and purposefully designed with inherent errors to create systemic fraud and influence election results. The system intentionally generates an enormously high number of ballot errors. The electronic ballots are then transferred for adjudication. The intentional errors lead to bulk adjudication of ballots with no oversight, no transparency, and no audit trail.”[89] Ramsland added that the machines’ “own logs … show very clearly that the RCV [Ranked-Choice Voting] algorithm was enacted. It shows very clearly that the error messages were massive. It [shows] very clearly that races were flipped.”

Miscellaneous (Military, Voting, Economy , Religion and etc) Postings
https://common-sense-in-america.com/2020/11/27/dominion-voting-system-exposed/
https://common-sense-in-america.com/2020/11/24/why-doc-holiday-epitomizes-americas-indomitable-spirit/
https://common-sense-in-america.com/2020/11/13/voter-fraud-in-2020-how-will-effect-future-elections/
https://common-sense-in-america.com/2020/11/11/veteran-suicides-where-we-failed/
https://common-sense-in-america.com/2020/10/21/what-happened-to-seal-team-six/
https://common-sense-in-america.com/2020/12/04/what-will-become-of-our-capitalistic-society/
https://common-sense-in-america.com/2020/06/06/voting-in-america-in-the-era-of-the-pandemic/
https://common-sense-in-america.com/2020/10/22/campaign-funding-disparity-between-democrats-and-republicans/
https://common-sense-in-america.com/2020/06/09/why-the-left-socialist-and-communist-hate-religion/
https://common-sense-in-america.com/2020/06/13/campaigning-for-public-office-in-the-age-of-the-coronavirus/
https://common-sense-in-america.com/2020/06/23/restaurants-and-buffets-in-the-age-of-covid/
https://common-sense-in-america.com/2020/10/02/what-does-it-mean-to-be-a-jehovah-witness/
https://common-sense-in-america.com/2020/09/05/are-we-a-nation-of-wimps-why-all-the-counseling/
https://common-sense-in-america.com/2020/07/11/are-their-inequalities-in-salaries-for-movie-stars-based-on-sex/
https://common-sense-in-america.com/2020/07/11/is-the-disparity-in-salaries-based-on-sex-a-thing-of-the-past/
https://common-sense-in-america.com/2020/07/15/has-our-re-opening-been-intentionally-sabotaged/
https://common-sense-in-america.com/2020/08/01/zombie-apocalypse-our-future/
https://common-sense-in-america.com/2020/10/07/president-trump-is-being-accused-of-not-accepting-a-loss-in-the-2020-election/
https://common-sense-in-america.com/2020/09/27/who-controls-the-voting-process/
https://common-sense-in-america.com/2020/09/27/voter-fraud-with-mail-in-ballots-fact-or-fiction/
https://common-sense-in-america.com/2020/09/26/polls-how-accurate-are-they/
https://common-sense-in-america.com/2020/09/09/voting-along-party-lines-is-old-school/
https://common-sense-in-america.com/2020/08/23/what-happens-to-president-trump-if-he-wins-the-election-but-he-loses-the-senate/
https://common-sense-in-america.com/2020/08/06/voting-in-november/
https://common-sense-in-america.com/2020/07/18/can-president-trump-win-again-in-2020/
https://common-sense-in-america.com/2020/07/10/if-you-are-voting-for-biden-consider-psychiatric-help/
https://common-sense-in-america.com/2020/08/05/can-american-win-the-war-for-the-world-market/
https://common-sense-in-america.com/2020/08/13/why-are-an-ever-increasing-number-of-american-citizens-relinquishing-their-citizenship/
https://common-sense-in-america.com/2020/09/09/voting-along-party-lines-is-old-school/
https://common-sense-in-america.com/2020/09/15/ufos-what-is-our-government-not-telling-us/
https://common-sense-in-america.com/2020/09/21/end-of-days/
https://common-sense-in-america.com/2020/09/22/do-we-need-military-bases-in-every-country/
https://common-sense-in-america.com/2020/12/25/navarro-2020-election-report-examined/
https://common-sense-in-america.com/2021/01/01/did-brad-parscale-almost-bankrupt-the-trump-2020-election/
https://common-sense-in-america.com/2021/02/02/what-gives-people-the-right/
https://common-sense-in-america.com/2021/02/04/the-origins-of-the-term-gaslighting/
https://common-sense-in-america.com/2021/03/16/election-reform/
https://common-sense-in-america.com/2021/03/16/voter-fraud-in-2020-revisited/